Africa
US seeks to engage with West African juntas amid Russian influence
The United States has indicated a shift in its priorities, suggesting it is willing to engage with the governments of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, even if democratic principles are not being upheld.
In a significant move, the United States has announced a major adjustment in its approach to three West African nations that are grappling with Islamist militant groups and have recently severed defense ties with France in favor of Russia.

According to the state department, Nick Checker, the head of the Bureau of African Affairs, is scheduled to visit Bamako, the capital of Mali, where he will express the US's "commitment to respecting Mali's independence" and outline a new direction for bilateral relations, acknowledging past errors in policy.
The US has also indicated its intention to collaborate with Mali's neighboring countries, Burkina Faso and Niger, on matters of mutual security and economic interest, signaling a desire for cooperation in the region.
Notably, the US statement does not mention its previous emphasis on promoting democracy and human rights, which had led to a suspension of military cooperation after military coups ousted the democratically elected leaders of the three countries between 2020 and 2023, including Niger's former president Mohamed Bazoum, who remains under house arrest.
The US announcement formalizes a substantial shift in policy that has been unfolding over the past year, particularly since the return of Donald Trump to the White House, marking a pronounced departure from previous approaches to the region.
A significant change in approach began when USAID, a primary source of development aid to the region, was closed just days after the president's inauguration for a new term.
Subsequent indications suggested a more limited emphasis on security and mineral extraction, with development and governance taking a backseat.
The announcement of Checker's visit marks a further shift, explicitly acknowledging Mali's sovereign authority, a message that is likely to resonate with leaders in Bamako and other allied capitals, who have built support by embracing pan-Africanist ideals and pushing back against France, the former colonial power.
Captain Ibrahim Traoré, the military leader of Burkina Faso, has positioned himself as a champion of resistance against "imperialism" and "neo-colonialism", leveraging social media to garner widespread support and popularity among young people both within the continent and beyond.
The Trump administration has made it clear that it does not object to the regimes' rejection of the traditional European model of government, which features elected civilian leaders and a constitutional framework.
In an interview with Le Monde last year, Massad Boulos, a senior adviser for Africa at the US State Department and a close associate of former President Trump, emphasized the administration's stance on non-interference, stating that the US respects the right of nations to choose their own systems of government.
This approach signifies a notable shift in the US stance, one that has garnered attention in recent times.
Under the Biden administration, from 2022 to 2025, General Michael Langley, who led the US Africa Command, highlighted the significance of good governance and environmental concerns as essential components of US military support in the region.

However, following President Trump's return to office last year, General Langley's priorities appeared to change, with the fight against terrorism now taking center stage.
This focus on counter-terrorism efforts is also evident in West Africa, as underscored by Rudolph Attalah, a senior US counter-terrorism official, during a visit to Bamako last year, where he reiterated the importance of this priority.
In a recent statement, General John Brennan, Africom's deputy head, reiterated the US commitment to supporting three military-led nations in their fight against jihadist organizations, with a particular focus on combating the Islamic State.
It appears that the Trump administration's revised approach is driven by a combination of factors, totaling three key motivations.
Both the US and Europe remain deeply concerned about the enduring security risks posed by jihadist groups operating in the Sahel region, a vast semi-arid area south of the Sahara Desert, which is reportedly responsible for approximately half of all global terrorism-related fatalities.
While the majority of casualties are local, US officials are worried that the loss of territorial control by governments in the region could create opportunities for jihadist groups to establish safe havens, potentially allowing them to further develop and expand their operations.
The Sahel region is increasingly being referred to by diplomats and analysts as the global hub of terrorism, posing a potential long-term threat to international security.
The area where Mali, Burkina, and Niger meet is a hotspot for the West African branch of Islamic State, known as Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, or ISGS.
A recent attack on Niamey's airport in Niger serves as a stark reminder of the significant threat posed by this group, highlighting the ongoing security challenges in the region.
The jihadist presence also jeopardizes the Sahel region's mineral exports, which include substantial amounts of gold, as well as lithium from Mali, a crucial component in rechargeable batteries and certain medications, and Niger's sizable uranium deposits.

In a notable development, Niger's military government has taken control of the country's primary uranium mine, previously operated by French company Orano, and is now exploring a potential partnership with Russia in the uranium sector.
The administration of former US President Donald Trump seems to be taking steps to prevent Russia from becoming the sole external defense partner for Niger, Burkina, and Mali, indicating a desire to maintain a level of influence in the region.
The current US administration has adopted a stance differing from that of the West African regional bloc Ecowas, France, the EU, and the Biden administration, regarding the Russian military presence in the region. Approximately 1,000 Russian security contractors are stationed in Mali, with additional, smaller groups of mercenaries or regular troops deployed in Burkina Faso and Niger.
Multiple reports have surfaced alleging human rights abuses perpetrated by Russian forces, particularly in Mali, prompting concerns about the impact of their presence.
During a visit to Bamako, Attalah indicated that the US is taking a relatively calm approach to Russia's military activities in the region, suggesting a willingness to coexist with their involvement.
It appears that the US aims to establish a balance in the region by fostering its own security partnerships, thereby preventing Russia from exerting exclusive influence.
However, this approach will be carefully calibrated to avoid alienating the political base that has been promised an end to prolonged US military engagements abroad, as articulated by Trump. This strategy is likely to focus on limited interventions, such as occasional training missions, rather than deploying large numbers of troops.
According to Africom's Brennan, the United States is offering intelligence assistance to Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, and may also consider providing them with weaponry in the future.
However, the US has no plans to send active troops back to the region or reopen its large drone base in Agadez, Niger, which previously housed approximately 800 personnel before being expelled by the junta following pressure from the Biden administration to establish a democratic transition timeline.
In the aftermath of the series of coups, the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) attempted to persuade the military leaders to commit to specific dates for holding new elections.
Instead, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali opted to withdraw from Ecowas last year, shifting their focus towards establishing their own regional alliance, known as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).
As a result of their withdrawal, Ecowas is no longer responsible for overseeing the internal governance standards of these countries, which are now pursuing their own confederation.
The dissolution of this entity has enabled its 12 remaining member states to focus on establishing functional collaborations with three key countries in their efforts to combat Islamist groups.
Combating militant activity is a pressing concern for regional governments, as armed groups have been crossing borders to launch attacks or seek refuge in northern areas of countries such as Ghana, Ivory Coast, Benin, Nigeria, and Togo.
In the face of this regional challenge, the potential provision of US intelligence on high-value targets and possible additional weaponry could facilitate swift successes against militant forces.
However, the decade-long French military engagement in the Sahel, which involved the deployment of thousands of troops and air support, has demonstrated that military might alone is insufficient to achieve lasting peace, unless the underlying social and economic issues plaguing this impoverished region are also addressed.
For additional news coverage from Africa, visit BBCAfrica.com.

Africa
Understanding the crisis in South Sudan: a simple guide
A deepening political divide is raising concerns of potential renewed conflict following allegations of treason leveled against the vice-president.
Concerns are mounting that South Sudan, the world's newest nation, is on the brink of descending into all-out civil war as clashes persist in Jonglei state, located northeast of the capital city, Juba.

The government is attempting to reclaim territory from forces loyal to First Vice-President Riek Machar, who has been suspended from his position amid allegations of plotting to overthrow President Salva Kiir.
Machar is currently standing trial in Juba, facing charges of murder, treason, and crimes against humanity, all of which he denies.
The Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army In Opposition (SPLM/A-IO), Machar's party, has rejected the charges as a politically motivated attack aimed at dismantling the 2018 peace agreement that brought an end to a five-year civil war.
The SPLM/A-IO and its allied groups claim to have captured territory, including military bases, in Jonglei and other states since the end of last year.
In response, South Sudan's army launched a counteroffensive last month.
In a statement that has raised concerns, Deputy Army Chief Gen Johnson Oluny urged troops to show no restraint, including against civilians, when deployed to Jonglei, although the government later clarified that this was not an official order.
The government has reaffirmed its commitment to protecting civilians, contradicting Gen Oluny's statement.
The recent violence in Jonglei has displaced at least 280,000 people, forcing them to flee their homes.
Aid agencies, including Oxfam, have reported that their facilities, such as clinics, have been looted, and staff have been assaulted.
South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in 2011, following decades of fighting led by the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), and has been one of the world's poorest countries.
Two years after independence, a civil war broke out when Kiir removed Machar as vice-president, accusing him of plotting a coup.
The conflict, largely driven by ethnic divisions between supporters of Kiir and Machar, resulted in an estimated 400,000 deaths and the displacement of 2.5 million people, which is more than a fifth of the population.
As part of the peace agreement, Machar was reinstated as vice-president in a unity government, which was intended to pave the way for elections.
Although the current conflict in Jonglei is primarily driven by national political rivalries, the state has a history of inter-communal violence, particularly between sub-clans of the Dinka and Nuer ethnic groups.
Cycles of violence linked to cattle raiding, land access, and revenge attacks continue to shape and complicate the current conflict.
The SPLM/A-IO draws significant support from Nuer communities, while the government and its allied forces are dominated by Dinka leadership, leading to national political confrontations that often reignite local grievances and increase the risk of communal violence.
The current crisis began in March last year when the White Army militia, allied to Machar during the civil war, clashed with the army in Upper Nile state and seized a military base in Nasir.

On 7 March, a UN helicopter attempting to evacuate troops came under fire, resulting in several fatalities, including a high-ranking army general.
Nearly three weeks later, Machar and several of his associates were placed under house arrest, accused of attempting to incite a rebellion.
At the time, Oyet Nathaniel Pierino, deputy leader of the SPLM/A-IO, stated that the prospect for peace and stability in South Sudan had been severely jeopardized.
Instead of easing tensions, the government intensified its actions against Machar, charging him with treason, among other crimes, in September.
Days later, the SPLM/A-IO escalated its rhetoric, denouncing Kiir's government as a dictatorship and calling for regime change.
Although Machar's inclusion in the unity government was a key aspect of the peace agreement, other provisions have not been implemented.
A major concern for many South Sudanese is the security arrangement, which has not been fully realized.
The peace agreement outlined a plan to integrate former rebel forces and government soldiers into a unified national army of 83,000 troops, with the remainder to be disarmed and demobilized.
However, this has not occurred, and numerous militias aligned with different political groups remain active.
The agreement also called for the establishment of a court, with the help of the African Union, to try those responsible for the violence, but this has not been created, partly due to the reluctance of those in power to face trial.
Elections scheduled for 2022 have not taken place, and a new constitution has not been drafted.
Kenyan mediators are attempting to revive the peace process.
The Tumaini Initiative, which translates to "hope" in Swahili, aims to hold talks in Kenya to lay the groundwork for credible elections.
Kiir and Machar, both in their 70s, were part of the SPLM that fought for independence, but long-standing tensions exist between them.
These tensions have been fueled by ethnic divisions, with Kiir being Dinka and Machar being Nuer, as well as competing political ambitions.
When Kiir dismissed Machar as vice-president in 2013, triggering the civil war, Machar denounced him as a dictator.
The repeated postponements of elections have created further problems between the two leaders.
The delays, which have occurred four times, have prevented Machar from realizing his presidential ambitions, while perceptions grow that Kiir intends to remain in power indefinitely.
Born in 1953, the 72-year-old Machar was the 27th son of the chief of Ayod and Leer and was raised in the Presbyterian Church.
Machar studied mechanical engineering at the University of Khartoum as an undergraduate and later earned a PhD in philosophy and strategic planning from the UK's Bradford University in 1984.
During the struggle for secession from Sudan, Machar switched sides on several occasions, seeking to strengthen his position and that of his Nuer ethnic group.
He became vice-president of South Sudan at independence in 2011, but was later sacked in 2013 and reinstated as part of a deal in 2016, only to flee as fighting resumed.
In 1951, a child was born to a family of modest means, with his father working as a cattle herder, and he was the eighth of nine siblings; today, at 74, he remains a devoted Roman Catholic.
At the age of 17, he enlisted with the Anyanya rebel group, which was fighting for southern independence during the First Sudanese Civil War that began in 1967; 16 years later, he co-founded the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement, one of five key individuals to do so, amidst the Second Sudanese Civil War.
As a former rebel commander with expertise in military intelligence, he emerged as a voice of moderation within the SPLM, assuming leadership of the group in 2005 following the death of John Garang in a helicopter accident.
Upon South Sudan's independence, he took office as president, a position he has held for 14 years, as the country has not yet conducted elections.
Nicholas Haysom, the UN mission head in South Sudan, cautioned last year that the nation was on the verge of plunging back into full-scale civil war, which would have devastating consequences for a country still reeling from its previous conflict.
According to Daniel Akech, an analyst with the Crisis Group think-tank, a resurgence of fighting could lead to "proxy warfare in the region", prompting concerns about the potential consequences.
Akech outlined two primary consequences of renewed conflict: the escalation of ethnic tensions as opposing sides seek to rally support, and the likelihood that neighbouring countries would become embroiled in the conflict.
The leaders of the Igad regional grouping, which includes Uganda, are tasked with upholding the 2018 agreement as its guarantors.
As part of a long-standing accord to support the army, some Ugandan troops have been deployed to South Sudan, according to the government.
For additional news and updates from the African continent, visit BBCAfrica.com.


Africa
Ghana designates Wednesday as ‘Fugu Day’ to promote traditional attire
A popular article of clothing has garnered significant online attention in recent days, sparked by a lighthearted exchange between individuals from Ghana and Zambia.
In a move to promote national pride, Ghana has declared Wednesdays as a day to don the country's traditional attire, known as the fugu, following a recent online exchange with Zambia.

The fugu gained international attention when President John Dramani Mahama wore it during an official visit to Zambia, sparking a debate after some Zambians referred to it as a "blouse", which led to a strong reaction from Ghanaians on social media.
According to Ghana's Minister for Tourism, Abla Dzifa Gomashie, wearing the traditional outfit weekly will help showcase the country's cultural identity on a global scale, as announced on Tuesday.
Minister Gomashie encouraged the public to wear the fugu in its various forms, designs, and styles, accompanied by its unique and beautiful accessories, to promote the country's rich cultural heritage.
The fugu, also referred to as batakari, is a traditional garment originating from northern Ghana, characterized by its hand-woven cotton fabric strips stitched together to form a distinctive, poncho-style top.
Minister Gomashie noted that the weekly promotion of the fugu will have significant social and economic benefits, particularly for local artisans, designers, and traders involved in its production.
The minister stated that the government hopes the collective adoption of the fugu will foster national unity, boost the creative economy, and serve as a symbol of Ghana's cultural identity and confidence.
The fugu has been a trending topic on social media for several days, following the online debate between Ghanaians and Zambians.
The debate led to Ghanaians, including members of parliament, sharing photos of themselves wearing the fugu on social media, while Zambians responded by showcasing their traditional siziba outfits.
The online discussion caught the attention of Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, who announced plans to import fugus from Ghana.
President Mahama also proposed exporting the smock to Zambia in bulk, highlighting its potential economic benefits.
President Mahama emphasized the historical and cultural significance of the fugu, noting that Ghana's founding father, Kwame Nkrumah, wore it on Independence Day in 1957, and that he himself had recently worn it to the UN.
For more news and updates from the African continent, visit BBCAfrica.com.

Africa
Woman fights back after losing sons to jihadist attack
Yameogo Aminata reports that she lost four of her sons to violence and her daughter remains unaccounted for.
Certain details in this account may be disturbing for some readers.

Yameogo Aminata, a 57-year-old refugee, sits in a dimly lit room at a camp in Ivory Coast, struggling to come to terms with the traumatic loss of her four sons, who were killed by jihadists in their home country of Burkina Faso.
In 2022, Aminata was away from her home when armed insurgents, who have been wreaking havoc in central Burkina Faso for nearly 15 years, launched a devastating attack on her village.
The jihadists seized control of the village, taking cattle and land, and killing numerous residents, including Aminata's sons, who were between 25 and 32 years old.
Recounting the horrific event to the BBC, Aminata's body trembled with emotion as she described how the insurgents slit the throats of her children.
Aminata recalled arriving at the scene to find her fourth son being killed.
She attempted to fight back with a knife but was overpowered, beaten, and left with severe injuries to her head, shoulder, and throat.
During the chaos, Aminata became separated from her daughter, who remains missing to this day.
In 2023, Aminata fled to the Nioronigué camp in Ivory Coast, where she still keeps the blood-stained clothes from that fateful day as a poignant reminder of her loss.
Aminata expressed her desperation to the BBC, stating that she feels lost and without any sense of direction or purpose.
The insurgency in Burkina Faso has resulted in the deaths of at least 10,000 people, with the conflict also affecting neighboring Mali and Niger.
The United Nations has identified the region as a hub of global jihadist violence.
Military juntas have taken power in all three countries, pledging to combat the insurgency.

These juntas have shifted their allegiances away from traditional Western partners and are now seeking military aid from Russia.
Despite the deployment of Russian forces in Burkina Faso under the Africa Corps banner, the insurgency persists, with the al-Qaeda-affiliated group Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) being a prominent militant organization.
Hassane Tall, a 60-year-old farmer, fled northern Burkina Faso in 2023 with his three wives and 19 children after surviving multiple attacks.
Tall recounted to the BBC how they escaped clashes between jihadist groups and security forces, fearing for their lives.
Now residing in the Nioronigué camp, Tall expressed his deep sadness at leaving his ancestral land but sees no alternative for his family's safety.
The 12-hectare Nioronigué camp, which is home to Aminata and Tall, is located near the Burkina Faso border and was established in 2023 by the UN and Ivorian authorities.
Initially designed to accommodate around 6,000 people, the camp, along with the nearby Timala camp, currently shelters approximately 13,000 refugees, exceeding its intended capacity.
According to UN data, more than three million people have been displaced due to various conflicts in the Sahel region.
Over 80,000 people from Burkina Faso are currently living in camps in Ivory Coast.
Aminata expressed her gratitude to the Ivorian government and its people for providing her with shelter.
She recounted how she was forced to leave her home after being chased away by jihadists who sought to claim the country.
Similar stories of trauma and loss are echoed throughout the camp.

Among the refugees are individuals from Mali, including a 27-year-old finance graduate who, along with his brothers, undertook a perilous journey from Gao in northern Mali to the capital, Bamako, and then to northern Ivory Coast in search of safety.
The graduate stated that they were compelled to leave after their 24-year-old cousin, a fisherman, was killed by suspected jihadists.
He described the frequent attacks in the area, saying that such incidents occur daily.
The graduate told the BBC that they lived in constant fear, unsure if they would survive from one day to the next.
Despite being one of the fastest-growing economies in the region, Ivory Coast struggles with high unemployment and poverty, leaving locals in border areas concerned about the influx of refugees.
However, government representative Djamatigui Touré assured the BBC that refugees would be welcomed and not turned away.
Touré emphasized the shared history and culture between the refugees and the local population, referring to them as "brothers."
The UN Development Programme's resident representative, Blerta Cela, warned that the resources are being severely strained due to the large number of refugees.
Cela noted that the majority of refugees are not living in camps but are instead being hosted by Ivorian families.
For Aminata, rebuilding her life in a new country is weighed down by the memories of her past.
She acknowledged that she is still unable to come to terms with the traumatic events she experienced.
Aminata's only hope is for peace to be restored in Burkina Faso.
Additional reporting was provided by Noel Ebrin Brou.
For additional news coverage from Africa, visit the BBCAfrica.com website.

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